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薄的蓝线标志通常与蓝色生活相关;信用:Attributed to no author (courtesy Wikimedia Commons)

白度发生了变化。它变得蓝了。白对蓝色的转变将个人和政治身份的轴从祖先带到执法的隶属度。现在是“白色”现在接受并认识绝对正义(管理死亡的权力)警察权威。成为“蓝色”是将白天的所有纠结的欲望和挫折结合在一起融入了警察局的时空征服。由此产生的识别形式是一种新的民族主义形式。它有旗帜;它要求暴力;它以自己的推定优越感增长了。在特朗普的追随者的总统选举活动的履行中,这种转变明显明显明显,他们的卡车,旗帜,枪支和横幅。

自20世纪50年代在20世纪50年代挑战以来,政策已经呈现为“薄蓝线“反对紊乱 - 将民权运动与黑人的流动性与黑人的流动性,对狗哨,对永久性,种族的社会等级的丧失的恐惧。在今年夏天和秋季的“无政府主义者”举行抗议的美国城市的反复描述,举行夏季,秋季遵循逻辑。不言而喻但了解蓝线保护的区域是白色空间:白人主要居住的很大隔离区域。

发生在白色到蓝色班次的情况是,细线已经扩展到接管整个空间。这不是一个连贯的地理空间,而是乔治·丽芙谢里茨呼叫“white spatial imaginary“或白痴的心理学。2016年,这个想象中的想象中的替代墙线的岩浆。现在,而不是有一个分隔线,标志着地理和种族化的边界,整个空间想象已经蓝了。由此产生的白对蓝色空间对那些直接参与黑人生命的战争以及移民执法,边境巡逻和大规模监禁装置的最重要的空白空间阐明了白色至高无上。

White-to-blue space fills the entire psychic and physical domain for full personhood in the eyes of the state, presently known as whiteness, with this allegiance to the police and related agencies. Black Lives Matter is exactly the right slogan because white-to-blue space is imagined as that in which only lives designated fully “white” rightfully exist, let alone matter. Trump was only the figurehead for this articulation of white supremacy in partnership with police and vice versa, whose slogan is now “Back the Blue,” not MAGA.

今年变得高度可见的蓝色国旗的原始抵抗2014-16黑色生命物质运动和抵抗产生的口号:“蓝色生活”。它在黑白中再现美国国旗,其中一个蓝线。因为它designer Andrew Jacob,蓝色的黑色空间代表“犯罪分子”。也就是说,它以视觉形式在黑色和白色之间的“彩色线”时空地形式,即W. E. B. Du Bois被确定为伟大的美国“问题”,并声称“蓝色”是防止混乱的原因。在线上面现在是白色到蓝色的空间。作为一个隔离者会徽,背部蓝色已成为想象中的新联盟的国旗,一个有愿望成为一个国家的门控社区。

那么,它是有道理的,那是2017年在夏洛斯维尔出现的背部。今年乔治弗洛伊德起义之后,它几乎无处不在,吸引主流媒体报道自6月以来。当一个超出宣传的版本到10月来替代星星和条纹时特朗普在威斯康星州的集会许多人认为这是一种向他渴望成为他想要白人至高无上的人的渴望的一种方式。

由Covid-19-Limited Trump Rallies之外的其自身公共表演组成并声称是白色的,并声称。最突出的是the “Trump caravans,”由长线的F-150卡车,SUV和其他汽车接管道路。这些大篷车首先在4月份抵制Covid-19停机期间开始出现。在夏季,参与者还将船上的船上和湖泊放在Pro-Trump区。但它大多是汽车和卡车,前后最昂贵,以隐藏在两者之间的幽默轿车。大篷车旨在传达财富和权力,而不是这些较小的汽车诱发的中产阶级的地位或状态。

Driving slowly, like biker gangs, the caravans filled all lanes of traffic on several converging roads so that it was hard to avoid them. The caravans traversed a psychogeography of the far-right. In October, for example, the Setauket Patriots on Long Island, NY, organized a caravan that set off from a parking lot where there is an inconspicuous 9/11 memorial, traveling via the site of a Revolutionary war battle, to a pizzeria that Trump had tweeted about because it flew his banners.

In addition to Back the Blue flags and Trump banners —大规模产物首选自制 - 车辆飞行“他妈的你的感情”横幅。这个口号是一种冷凝保守的影响者Ben Shapiro'sslogan, “Facts don’t care about your feelings.” Like 2016’s “Balls Matter” (conflating “finally a president with balls” with “white lives matter”) the slogan is both vague and forceful at once. It shifts the generic pronoun in Shapiro’s remark to a direct attack on “you.” The “you” here would be anyone who had feelings but especially anyone whose feeling is that Black or other non-white lives matter. There were even Trump inflatable dolls, a mocking of the mockery others would make of him.

社交媒体宣布这些事件和放大them, bringing supporters out to photograph the caravans and post the pictures. The caravans and flags intersected with a plethora of low-production-values TV attack ads, featuring cops denouncing Democratic candidates as radicals. “Defund the police” was the negative punchline, whether the candidate had said it themselves or not. Because the police are now the primary form of white-to-blue identification, the move to defund state or city agencies was felt as personal violence by those so identifying.

Combining toxic masculinity with the prosperity gospel, and NASCAR-style fandom, the caravans perform a seemingly paradoxical aesthetic that is pro-wealth, anti-elite, commercial and NSFW at once. But as斯图尔特大厅在不同的背景下观察到那white-to-blue identity “articulates into a configuration different subjects, different identities, different projects, different aspirations. It does not reflect, it constructs a ‘unity’ out of difference.” The resulting white-to-blue movement won more white votes for Trump in 2020 than in 2016. As a result, Republicans held the Senate, gained seats in the House and defended Republican hegemony at state level.

新的白对蓝色识别中的蓝色不仅仅是警方。它唤起了加利福尼亚囚犯的“蓝调”在加利福尼亚州的监狱制度。在她卓越的书中Marking Time: Art in the Age of Mass IncarcerationNicole Fleetwood writes elegiacally of this blue in her description of Sable Elyse Smith’s exhibitionBlue Is Ubiquitous and Forbidden(2015) as “carceral blue.” She suggests that the use of this color by Smith and other artists is a resistant means of “expressing the blues in relation to Black unfreedom and subjugation.” Blue is a clothing color forbidden to prison visitors but one that may render people subject to arrest for gang membership. I think, too, of the relation of black, blue, and beautyevoked in Barry Jenkins’ 2016 filmMoonlight或者我想到了1871年在巴黎公社在巴黎公社期间落下的天空中的蓝色,而且布莱顿他在Courbet的所有绘画中看到了他。据称,这些蓝调是一种抹去这种可能性的暴力努力。

Sable Elyse史密斯,“景观V”(2020)(图片由Moma PS1提供;照片由Kris Graves)

In the midst of the violence of white-to-blue identification there is nonetheless the glimmer of possibility to undo its nationalism. If white can become blue, maybe it is possible for white to return to being just a color rather than a marker of an ontological hierarchy of being, or at least an icon that no longer has sociopolitical force?

The fall of the racist Confederate statues has prefigured that possibility. White-to-blue’s operating system asserts that not all those who are light-skinned are “white” in the sense of affiliating to white supremacy. While some of those identified as white have refused white supremacy, in the wake of the George Floyd uprising it appeared, briefly, to be the majority. The end of monolithic whiteness is a precondition for the abolition of the carceral state that upholds white supremacy. It is not a condition of the image but of the imaginary, that moment when whatChristina Sharpe calls“看见的道德”将生效。想象一下。

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Nick Mirzoeff.

Nicholas Mirzoeff是纽约州媒体,文化和沟通教授。他的书在namepublications.org下免费下载黑人生物的外观。

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